Loyalty seems to be a one-way street in Washington these days. Supporters vow to serve at the pleasure of the president, to march behind, or stand beside, a man that demands loyalty.
The advisers operate within what theologians call the dispensationalist tradition - a strain of evangelical theology that reads global events as markers on a prophetic timeline.
CNN's Manu Raju pointed out that Donald Trump frequently touted low gas prices during his presidency, but when prices rose under Biden, he shifted to attacking the current administration. Raju stated, 'And the person who liked to talk about it a lot was none other than Donald J. Trump.'
"It'll guarantee the midterms," he told Republicans gathered in the ballroom of his golf course just outside Miami on Monday. "If you don't get it, big trouble." Trump insisted that building on strict national voter identification laws, banning mail ballots, and restricting transgender rights would secure Republican electoral success.
"It has been baked in that the states are largely in charge of the election process, and that the federal government can set or override rules for that process if they wish, but it's very specific that that has to be done through Congress and not through lone executive action," said Justin Levitt, a constitutional and law of democracy scholar at Loyola Law School who was a non-partisan policy adviser for Democracy and Voting Rights during the Biden White House.
The Drug Abuse Resistance Education program ( DARE) and Mothers Against Drunk Driving ( MADD) both got their starts in the nineteen-eighties. MADD emerged as one of the greatest examples of grassroots political activism in modern America, but DARE has been judged mostly a failure. Why did one flourish while the other proved to be merely a passing fad? Duhigg argues that the answer is in the difference between "mobilizing" and "organizing."
